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Strengths
and Weaknesses - a 30,000 foot view
Some would say that many republicans harbour two conflicting
objectives. First, they want to have a President who
is impartial and above party politics. Second, they
want their President to be a representative of all Australians,
ideally chosen by the people directly.
Those who supported the Bi-Partisan Appointment model
in 1999 argued that the requirement for both Government
and Opposition to agree meant that the President would
not be a political partisan, but rather someone respected
by both major sides of politics. They also argued that
by having the support of at least 2/3 of all our elected
parliamentary representatives, the President could genuinely
be said to represent all Australians.
Critics of the 1999 referendum model argued that the
people should have a vote to choose the person who is
to occupy our country's highest office. Distrust of
politicians and parliament was played up by the advocates
of a No vote. The model was attacked as being "a
politicians' republic."
Critics of direct election point out that a directly
elected President will inevitably be a candidate of
a political party chosen in what will be a partisan,
perhaps bruising, electoral contest. The President would
be just another politician. (Or as Neville Wran observed,
if the President was not a politician when he nominated,
he certainly would be by the end of the election!) Will
those Australians who did not vote for the successful
candidate regard him or her as anymore representing
them, than they regard a Prime Minister against whose
party they voted?
There is undoubtedly a tension between an impartial,
non-partisan President and direct election. It is difficult
to imagine many, if any, of our recent Governors General
being candidates in a Presidential election.
A directly
elected President would be the only directly elected
federal public official and some Australians believe
this would give him a personal mandate superior to the
Prime Minister of the day. On the other hand, if the
President's role is clearly defined, then the "mandate"
is surely limited to exclude trespassing on the Prime
Minister's patch.
Republicans
have endeavoured to solve these problems in several
ways.
Advocates of parliamentary appointment have proposed
widely consultative nominations processes so that if
everyone does not have a chance to vote for the President,
at least everyone will have the opportunity to nominate
their favourite and have that nomination considered.
Such a process was included in the 1999 proposal and
it has been made more open and accountable in the People
Nominate Parliament Appoints model contained in this
paper.
Models 4 (People Elect the President) and 5 (People
Elect from Parliament's List) feature two different
forms of direct election. Model 4 provides for open
direct election, the most strictly democratic form of
appointment. Under such a system, the president is more
likely to be a party political creature. Presidents
would still be expected to conduct themselves impartially,
but for both Models 4 and 5, these constitutional conventions
would need to be underpinned by a careful codification
of the presidential powers and the presidential oath
of office. Model 5, a qualified form of direct election
seeks to provide for an elected president who has some
degree of bipartisan support by ensuring that only candidates
approved by a two-thirds vote of both Houses of Parliament
may stand.
This paper also canvasses, in Model 3 (Presidential
Assembly Appoints), a process of choosing a President
by a specially elected electoral college. Its members'
sole responsibility would be to choose a President,
at least every five years. This seeks to resolve the
tension between a perceived need for public participation
and the dangers of a rival presidential mandate.
Model 6, a US style republic makes many of these concerns
redundant. It avoids the problem of a dual mandate by
combining the roles of Head of State with head of government.
Yet this model requires much more comprehensive change
and would take us into a new system of government altogether.
With that said, let us now consider the six models in
further detail.
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