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How
to make our nation better
By George Williams
The Age, 20 July 2001
Sir Gerard Brennan, a former chief justice of the High Court,
has argued persuasively in a major lecture this week that
the Australian constitution needs a rewrite. Unfortunately,
Australia has a dismal record of constitutional reform. Only
eight out of 44 referendums have passed. The many failures
have been expensive, with millions spent on ballots and important
opportunities lost to better reflect contemporary aspirations.
None
of the eight successful referendums brought about a major
revision of the constitution. It has yet to be updated to
match the needs of the nation in 2001, as opposed to 1901.
As a result, while the constitution provided an effective
framework for the political and legal issues that faced Australia
for the first 100 years of Federation, it does not provide
as strong a framework for the second century.
There
are many reasons why the constitution ought to be rewritten.
Here are five.
1.
It does not reflect how our system of government actually
works. It does not mention some of the most basic elements,
such as the prime minister or the cabinet. The text suggests
that real political power is held by the Queen's representative,
the governor-general, who is named as commander-in-chief of
our armed forces and is given the power to appoint and dismiss
ministers. The constitution apparently appoints the governor-general
as a form of dictator, who is given the power to rule the
nation according to the wishes of our overseas Queen.
2.
It has failed Australia's indigenous people. They played no
meaningful role in its drafting, and it cast them as outsiders
to the Australian nation. When the constitution came into
force in 1901, it even discriminated against them by excluding
them from the taking of the census. These discriminatory provisions
were deleted in 1967, but nothing was put in their place.
The pattern of exclusion has yet to be replaced by even a
bare recognition of the existence of indigenous people.
3.
It should be rewritten to better enable governments to promote
growth in our modern economy. The federal vision in the constitution
is inconsistent with today's understandings of the Australian
economy. The economy does not consist of discreet sectors
of commerce within each state or even within Australia. We
require standardised laws in many areas so that businesses
are able to effectively trade in national and global markets.
Companies should not be required to comply with different,
and possibly conflicting, laws across the several Australian
jurisdictions.
This
has been recognised by state and federal governments, who
have cooperated to create national regulatory regimes. Unfortunately,
the High Court has found that the constitution does not always
allow the creation of seamless codes of national business
regulation. Unless the constitution is amended, cooperative
regulation of truly national concerns may not be possible
in areas such as GST price monitoring and the regulation of
genetic technology and GM foods.
4.
It should be amended to better protect human rights. The rights
it does contain are scattered and offer little real protection.
The best first step would be for parliaments to enact a bill
of rights. After certain rights had operated well within an
act of parliament, they could be inserted into the constitution
itself.
5.
The text suggests Australia is not an independent nation.
It establishes the monarch of the UK as our head of state,
with the governor-general as her representative. The now obsolete
section 59 even grants the Queen the power to disallow any
law passed by the Federal Parliament. Yet Australia is now
politically and legally independent, thereby creating a symbolic
conflict with the text of the constitution. If symbolism is
an important value within the constitutional system, then
the constitution ought to be amended to establish Australia
as a republic with an Australian as our head of state.
The
arguments for constitutional change are compelling, with the
call for a republic being only one, arguably less important,
part of the equation.
We
should not wait too long to renew the process of reform in
this and other areas. The price of failure may be high, but
the costs of not trying are higher still.
As
Gough Whitlam argued as far back as 1970: "Existing constitutional
arrangements do not provide an adequate, far less an ideal,
framework for the solution of contemporary problems. We are
entering the future mounted on a penny-farthing bicycle."
Professor
George Williams is director of the Gilbert and Tobin Centre
of Public Law at the University of New South Wales.
Email: george.williams@unsw.edu.au
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