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Vice-regal
job not just personal representative of the Queen
Malcolm
Turnbull
The Sydney Morning Herald
26 May 2003
Peter
Hollingworth presented himself, and the nation, with
a most difficult challenge. Here was a governor-general
who had done nothing substantively wrong in his office,
but had, so a great many felt, made serious errors of
judgement in his previous role as Archbishop of Brisbane.
These
errors touched (quite rightly) on a matter of the greatest
public sensitivity (sexual abuse of children by priests)
and public opinion quickly and overwhelmingly demanded
his resignation.
Many
of our institutions rely on people doing the right thing,
as opposed to sticking to the letter of the law. If
you took a legalistic view of his position it was not
possible to justify his removal. John Howard was quite
right in not advising the Queen to remove Hollingworth.
Had
Hollingworth been a judge there was no way he could
have been impeached, as the constitution demands, for
"proved misbehaviour or incapacity".
The
real justification for his resignation was that, rightly
or wrongly, he had utterly lost the confidence of the
people.
While
the republic referendum was narrowly defeated in 1999,
the position of the monarchy in Australia has continued
to atrophy. In years gone by, the governor-general's
status was purely and simply derived from being the
representative of the Crown.
It
did not matter whether the governor-general in question
was a drunk, or a fool, or a rake. What he was did not
matter, what he represented (the Crown) did.
Over
recent years we have come to expect our governors-general
to be significant people in and of themselves.
Sir
William Deane, for example, is remembered for his role
as a spokesman for the underprivileged. His governor-generalship
was defined by his personal qualities and his ability
to communicate his own values to the Australian people.
He
was not a representative or spokesman for the Queen;
he spoke for himself (often controversially) but never
for his sovereign.
Once
the governor-general's position becomes a personal,
as opposed to a representative, one the manner of selection
becomes more relevant.
Sir
Robert Menzies made a point of not appointing a governor-general
unless the nominee both knew the Queen and was approved
by her. He saw the G-G as a true viceroy. That is no
longer the case.
The
more the governor-general becomes a spokesman for "the
nation" as opposed to a representative of the Crown,
the more important will be the personal qualities of
the incumbent and, as a consequence, the mode of appointment.
Republicans
should not be too smug about Hollingworth's demise.
Skeletons can emerge from the closets of republican
presidents, and have done so, as so many United States
presidents can attest.
However
it is true that if a governor-general or president were
appointed by a two-thirds majority of Parliament after
a public nominations process, it is unlikely that someone
like Hollingworth with so much trouble coming up would
have been chosen.
When
the republic debate was at its most intense, little
attention was given to the question of whether we need
a governor-general or president at all.
However
in a sense, John Howard has more than any other prime
minister challenged the need to have a ceremonial head
of state. His leadership in difficult times has been
so compelling that one has to ask why our prime minister
is not simply head of government but, like the US president,
also head of state.
I
should note, however, with the benefit of some experience
in this field, that the constitutional difficulties
associated with removing the governor- general from
our constitution are, to say the least, not trivial.
The
remaining mystery about Hollingworth does relate to
integrity. Why did he ever accept the position?
He
must have known there were complaints about child abuse
whirling around him. He surely knew they were controversial
and the likelihood of them becoming more so was exacerbated
by him becoming governor-general.
Yet
he accepted the position. In resigning his office he
has shown humility, but it must be said that he showed
great hubris in accepting it.
Malcolm
Turnbull is the former head of the Australian Republican
Movement.
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